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Policlips Now: Ben Carson, Bibi's Speech And An Email Controversy

Policlips Now: Ben Carson, Bibi's Speech And An Email Controversy



In this week's edition of "Policlips Now," we're highlighting the best political clips you may have missed while you were busy at work or stuck at home because of snow.

We saw GOP presidential hopeful Ben Carson making an outrageous statement about gay people, President Barack Obama dismissing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech before Congress and Secretary of State John Kerry basically saying he doesn't care about the Hillary Clinton email controversy.




Obama Seeks Deal With Iran, Ignores Tehran's Regional Ambitions

Obama Seeks Deal With Iran, Ignores Tehran's Regional Ambitions

Growing concerns are accompanied by scattered coordination to the rhythm of nuclear negotiations between the United States and Iran in the P5+1 framework, with a crucial deadline set to arrive on March 24. but whether the negotiations fail or succeed, they have already shaken historic and strategic relations between the United States and its friends -- beginning with when secrecy had been unveiled from some of their particulars, and now as the talks enter the stage of grand concessions. 


An immediate military confrontation in the event of failure is unlikely and unnecessary. It would be much more prudent at this time in the confrontation with Iran to tighten economic sanctions against Tehran, curb its military capabilities, and rein in its regional ambitions, with Iranian tentacles now extending all the way to Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon. Indeed, the failure of nuclear negotiations is more costly for the ruling clique in Tehran, who are in dire need for the economic sanctions -- in particular US sanctions -- to be lifted, so that they can press ahead with their regional strategies.

Yet failure will be politically costly for President OBama as well, whose legacy is now linked to securing a nuclear deal with Tehran. However, if the nuclear negotiations culminate with the international community recognizing Iran's right to keep its nuclear capabilities that give it the ability to build nuclear weapons with "suspended implementation", then this will be in the interests of the nuclear industry, because a nuclear race will definitely follow in the wake of that outcome. Equally, if not more so, it will benefit the mullahs in Tehran, regardless of whether they are moderates or hardliners.

The biggest winner in that case will certainly be the Revolutionary Guards and the Qods Force, led by Qassem Soleimani, as they escalate battles in the Arab countries to consolidate regional Iranian power -- at times in the name of fighting Takfiris and ISIS, and at others in the name of securing Iran's strategic depth in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen.

Israel is riled up in light of the information it has, indicating that the United States is on the verge of making massive concessions to Iran in what Israel believes is a "bad deal", with corresponding repercussions for Israel and the entire Middle East.

Some Arab countries are concerned because Washington ignored all their attempts to have access to information regarding the progression of nuclear talks with Iran. In effect, Washington deliberately misled friendly countries like Saudi Arabia, when it kept them in the dark concerning the secret negotiations that took place in their backyard, for example in Oman.

Turkey is studying its options, which are confined between reining in its pride as a result of Iran acquiring nuclear capabilities after the other Islamic nuclear nation Pakistan, and reining in its alliances as a result of adopting the Muslim Brotherhood line, which has caused it animus with Egypt and tension with Gulf nations such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

As for ISIS, this group that has played the most important role by mobilizing Arab leaders into an alliance against it, it is now an absolute priority that diverts attention away from scrutinizing and analysing the US-Iranian dimension, the nuclear negotiations, and the repercussions involved.

In the American mind in general, Iran has become a necessary partner for the United States in the bid to eliminate the new number one enemy. There are no qualms about the Iranian Revolutionary Guard infiltrating deep into Iraq or Syria, as long as this helps crush the monster named ISIS. The Americans in general became loath to and distrustful of Sunnis because of the 9/11 attacks, and the rise of ISIS in the past few years has only reinforced this and deepened US enmity towards Sunnis, who have been portrayed thanks to ISIS in the media as being extraordinarily bloody tyrants.

A few months ago, a group of American retired military officers and republican figures opposed to President Obama's bid to appease Iran tried to highlight the Iranian role against US citizens. They indicated that Iran was behind attacks that killed large numbers of Americans in Lebanon, Khobar, the Iraq war, and other terrorist attacks sponsored by Iran. This group appeared on US media outlets to explain to the American public the history of American-Iranian relations, to correct the impression that the only absolute enemy are Arab Sunnis.

Americans seem to have forgotten their hostages who were held for 444 days in Tehran when the Iranian revolution seized power in 1979 and brought mullahs to rule the country in a theocracy that was new to the Middle East. Today the American elite, especially in the media and policy-making circles, are focusing their efforts on supporting the deal with Iran by any means. They are ignoring Iran's role in the Arab countries and Iran's regional ambitions. Even though not long ago the Americans were in favor of preventing Iraq from acquiring any nuclear capabilities, even if they are only in the minds of scientists, at any cost, they today speak the language of the inevitability of admitting that Iran has become a nuclear state and that this cannot be stopped.

President Obama is wagering in his engagement with Iran on the desire of the American majority to not become involved in new wars and its willingness for a historical reconciliation with Iran after more than 35 years of estrangement. For this reason, Obama focused solely on nuclear talks, and turned a blind eye to Iranian incursions in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon. Obama entered into a diplomatic and political confrontation with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu including in the heart of the US establishment on Capitol Hill, in a precedent that will certainly have many repercussions.

The majority of American public opinion does not accept for Israel to implicate the United States in military operations against Iran. This segment of the public opinion does not trust Benjamin Netanyahu nor his ability to engage in a military confrontation unilaterally against Iran. For this reason, this segment is opposed to Netanyahu's positions on the nuclear talks, and has protested against his attempts to incite the Republican-dominated Congress to rebel against the Democratic president.

This segment of the US public opinion wants to normalize relations with Iran. It believes the nuclear deal will restrict Iran's nuclear capabilities while the failure to reach a deal will allow Iran to acquire nuclear weapons in the absence of oversight. Naturally, this segment shares the US president's inclination to bury his head in the sands in relation to the Iranian role in the Syrian war alongside the regime in Syria (which Obama had called upon to step down), or in Yemen alongside the Houthis, who toppled the legitimate government and the US partner in the war on al-Qaeda there.

What Benjamin Netanyahu did when he addressed Congress this week is that he challenged Barack Obama to stop ignoring Iranian regional ambitions and excluding them from the imminent deal with Iran. He challenged him to tell the US public about the true meaning of Iranian incursions in four Arab countries and Iranian domination over Arab capitals, including some that are on the border with Israel, instead of neglecting this important strategic issue in the future of the Middle East. He also challenged him over the nuclear dimension of the deal, which he said only "postpones" Iranian acquisition of nuclear weapons by a few years while giving Iran access to funds that are necessary to develop such weapons.

Benjamin Netanyahu's challenge ired Barack Obama. Netanyahu's strategy was bold in the view of some, and audacious in the view of others, as he sought to expose the US president before Congress and the American public. What no others, Arabs or Americans, dared do, Netanyahu daringly undertook, risking his political future on the eve of Israeli elections. Netanyahu dared to evoke Iranian regional ambitions in the context of American-Iranian nuclear talks, even as Obama sought to separate the two issues completely, ignoring the appeals by friendly and allied Arab countries to do otherwise.

The strategic alliance between the United States and Israel is not going to collapse as a result of the collapse of cordiality between Barack Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu. The Palestinian issue is also not related to this confrontation, because the US president has since refrained from promoting what he had brought to the White House in terms of ideas for the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The nuclear talks will not stop because of Netanyahu's speech in Congress, or because he opposes them. If they fail, it would be because of the gap that remains in place related to the vision of the Obama administration for the nuclear deal, the restrictions on Iran's nuclear capabilities, and the sanctions in place, as opposed to the vision of the Iranian regime.

The U.S. president is able to keep the nuclear deal with Iran away from the fangs of the Republican-dominated Congress, and is able to sign a deal without the need for Congressional approval. He also has the right to veto any new sanctions proposed by Congress.

But what Obama cannot do is give Iran exactly what it wants, namely, completely lifting the sanctions imposed by Congress. This is not in the hands of the US president, especially given that he is at odds with the Republican Congress. Meanwhile, Tehran does not want to content itself with an agreement with a president who will be in the White House for only two years. What Tehran wants is indeed in the Congress's hands. This is one of the points that poses a threat to a potential deal.

The general climate suggests the negotiations are going in the direction of a deal. However, it is still premature to say for certain that a deal will happen. At any rate, the US administration has been promoting a deal. The visit by US Secretary of State John Kerry to Saudi Arabia and his meeting with GCC ministers can be seen to be in this context.

Kerry brought with him reassurances, telling the Gulf nations that the deal would not allow Iran to acquire nuclear weapons and will not mean the US blesses the Iranian role in Yemen, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon -- though it is unlikely any of his counterparts believe him. Kerry brought a US pledge to Gulf ministers to continue to confront Iranian expansion in the region, but the ministers must have winked at each other when they heard him say "continue to confront" Iranian expansion. In other words, what Kerry brought to Riyadh was a bit too late if the intention was to reassure Saudi.

Perhaps Kerry's visit was meant to notify Gulf leaders that Obama is determined to sign this deal with Iran and wants them to accept the fait accompli. Or perhaps the goal was to agree on a strategy should the negotiations succeed and on another should they fail.

The Gulf nations realize that the US-Iranian deal will not be exclusively nuclear, but will perpetuate the policy of turning a blind eye to Iranian regional policies and ambitions that the Obama administration has adopted. This will embolden the Iranians to expand further and seek to dominate the Arab region, through Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, and elsewhere.

These countries realize, as does the United States, that such a development would further restrict them unless they adopt unconventional strategies including nuclear ones. However, this would benefit the nuclear industry and drain the resources of the Arab region, because money will be diverted -- once again -- to weapons instead of development and modernization in the Arab world.

In the event the deal that Obama wants with Iran fails, the strategy that the US administration will have to pursue -- willy nilly -- is to rein in the Iranian tentacles, from Syria and Iraq, to Lebanon and Yemen. In a few weeks, we will either see the features and regional consequences of a deal, or see the features and regional consequences of a no-deal.

Translated from Arabic by Karim Traboulsi


              

Top Brits Call On The U.K. To Decriminalize Drugs

Top Brits Call On The U.K. To Decriminalize Drugs


British businessman Richard Branson and U.K. Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg have advocated for drug policy reform in the past. But experts say their op-ed calling on the U.K. to end the war on drugs, published Tuesday in The Guardian, is especially noteworthy as British elections near.

"Doing this in advance of the election is symbolically important," Ethan Nadelmann, executive director of the Drug Policy Alliance, told The Huffington Post. "It's rare for such a significant party to take such a bold stance on drug policy."

Branson, founder of the Virgin Group, and Clegg, a Liberal Democrat who has been deputy prime minister since 2010, argue in their article that the country's prohibitionist approach to drug use has failed, and its residents would be better served by policies that emphasize treatment instead of punishment.

"As an investment, the war on drugs has failed to deliver any returns," they write, pointing to a growing criminal market, rising incarceration rates of "people whose only crime is the possession of a substance to which they are addicted," and no meaningful reduction in drug use across Britain's population. "If it were a business, it would have been shut down a long time ago. This is not what success looks like."

Polls suggest that Clegg's party stands little chance of victory in Britain's general election on May 7. But Nadelmann noted that Clegg's longtime support of drug policy reform has already helped to change the discourse. And now that Clegg is taking a firmer stance, it will likely become a key issue for the Liberal Democrats.

"His commitment to the issue and his outspokenness has helped legitimize the drug policy reform perspective in British politics," Nadelmann said. Over the past several years, he said, even conservative publications like the Daily Mail have begun to shift the tone of their drug coverage. "The tabloids have evolved from being knee-jerk drug war proponents to having significantly more moderated views," he said.

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Nick Clegg appears with Richard Branson during a talk on drug policy.


The United States officially declared "war on drugs" in 1971 under President Richard Nixon. According to Nadelmann, the U.K. began adopting its harshest policies a decade later, during the Margaret Thatcher administration. Now, as Clegg and Branson write, "the west is undergoing a tectonic shift; and the U.K. seems oblivious to it."

They cite legalization of recreational marijuana in four U.S. states, along with decriminalization and harm-reduction efforts in Portugal, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland, the Czech Republic and Denmark, as proof that their country lags behind. Since Portugal introduced one of the world's most sweeping decriminalization efforts in 2001, teenage drug use, drug-induced deaths and HIV/AIDS rates have declined, while the number of individuals receiving treatment for addiction has increased.

"The Portuguese system works, and on an issue as important as this, where lives are at stake, governments cannot afford to ignore the evidence," Branson and Clegg write. "We should set up pilots to test and develop a British version of the Portuguese model."

A recent Guardian poll found that 84 percent of Britons think the war on drugs can't be won and that 88 percent think marijuana should be either legalized or decriminalized. Sixty-one percent of respondents, however, answered "no" when asked if "certain drugs that are currently illegal" should be legalized or decriminalized. Meanwhile, a new political group that calls itself the Cannabis Is Safer Than Alcohol party plans to use the U.K.'s general election to advocate for marijuana reform.

Clegg and Branson didn't go so far as to say Britain should legalize drugs as well as decriminalize them. Nadelmann said this tactic may work in their favor.

"When someone advocates for full-scale legalization, it tends to distract attention from more important and realistic incremental reforms," Nadelmann explained. For him, meaningful reform includes ending marijuana prohibition, reducing incarceration rates and emphasizing treatment over criminalization. The position of Branson and Clegg "reflects the more nuanced and sophisticated drug policy dialogue that has evolved," he said.



Safety for Women and Girls: Protection Strategies for a Healthful World

Safety for Women and Girls: Protection Strategies for a Healthful World


This International Women's Day, as we step back to marvel at the significant progress made by women and girls worldwide, we take note as well of the distance yet to travel before every woman and girl feels safe in this world -- safe enough simply to go to school, to gather water or firewood, to go to work before dawn. Safe enough that you know you can deliver your baby at a health facility without complications, or that you can take her there for her inoculations, without worrying about being exposed to the Ebola virus or to some other health hazard.

Safety is not linear; to ensure that a clinic can cope with a medical emergency such as the Ebola crisis and continue to handle routine care requires substantial strengthening of an entire health system. To do so includes fortifying both the supportive care net of safe hydration, safe blood, safe medicines, safe heating and cooking technologies, and training cadres of community health workers and public health nurses who, as frontline caregivers, can attend to their communities while remaining alert to instances of contaminated groundwater, disease or a high-risk pregnancy.

So easily come the words, "safe enough simply to go to school." But safety is not a simple thing, nor are we necessarily making progress. Just last month the United Nations Human Rights Council reported that, "attacks against girls accessing education persist and, alarmingly, appear in some countries to be occurring with increased regularly." This is as true in our own hemisphere as in Nigeria, Pakistan and other places that have sadly earned notoriety for such attacks: in Central America, the Human Rights Council reported, the incidence of threats, harassment and sexual violence inflicted by criminal gangs on schoolgirls has compelled many of them to give up on their dreams of an education.

The Ebola crisis has kept hundreds of thousands of adolescent girls out of school in the afflicted countries, interrupting their education and rendering them more vulnerable to rape and to other forms of abuse. And the Syrian war has forced roughly four million Syrians from their homes, at least half of them women, and half under 18, into foreign countries where gender protections can be weak at best and where the children have by now lost years of schooling. Each day these displaced girls and women must further endanger their and their families' lives by venturing out to collect the bits of wood, piping and plastic that they then burn indoors, to cook their food amid the toxic fumes.

Even in peaceful settings it is not a simple proposition to ensure that a woman or girl can retrieve water or wood without risking sexual assault. Doing so would require sufficient funding simply to clear overgrown pathways, move potable water points closer to households and champion such safe and fuel-efficient technologies as solar street lighting and clean cook stoves. These solutions, although involving multiple steps, are neither costly nor impossible; why are they not more widely embraced?

At a young women's forum in the crowded Nima settlement in Accra, Ghana, the Millennium Cities Initiative and our partner youth organization Voice in Community Empowerment confirmed that the dearth of streetlights was a chronic impediment to girls' education and to women's working lives. Working together, with very little money, MCI, VOiCE and the young women themselves organized the community to put up its own streetlights. Across the continent, in Kisumu, Kenya, women participating in WomenStrong's savings and loan groups are using their enhanced income to buy clean cook stoves, sparing them both the indoor pollution and the dangerous daily hunt for wood. These modest investments have been made by ordinary citizens, requiring neither rocket science, high diplomacy or big bucks to carry out.

Some changes do require higher-level leadership. The seemingly mundane routine of sending one's daughter off to school in the morning actually requires prescient public investments in safe transport, safe schoolyards and buildings, and in training caring, responsible educators committed to treating their students with the attention they would lavish on their own children. MCI has worked to convene all levels of government, NGOs and community-based organizations in adopting this integrated approach to solving such civic problems as getting all children safely to school and home.

Despite our knowing what needs to be done, and knowing it can be done affordably, tragedies continue to happen, every day. Members of our WomenStrong girls' clubs in Kisumu regularly report having undergone sexual attacks on their way home from school or while doing their families' evening shopping. This horrific reality cannot remain the status quo. WomenStrong and our partners have provided counseling and legal support, and for years MCI has helped the girls and mothers advocate for well-lit streets and kiosks, expanded bus routes and more frequent buses; the wider community now needs to join these girls and women in making their city streets safe.

We must change this dynamic, with smart investments designed to end this global disregard for women's and girls' safety. Engineers, nurses, teachers, political leaders, international donors: it's on you, in 2015, to keep women and girls safe. President and Mrs. Obama have stepped up, with their ambitious new "Let Girls Learn" initiative, which will surely increase the spotlight on this issue. Taking a cue from the First Lady, it's now on us women and girls, to become those engineers, nurses, teachers and politicians who can make this happen, and to speak up, this International Women's Day and every day, on behalf, simply, of safety for women and girls and communities, everywhere.